CONSEQUENCES OF FEDERALISM: THE MOST 'FEES AND SERVICES NOT
Renzo Pen
Representatives of the Northern League have rejoiced in parliament after approval of the decree on municipal federalism. But apart from the device element and a flag on which Bossi's party aims to justify his stay in the government and support for a prime minister under investigation, the merits and consequences of this opening of federalism, along with the reduction of transfers Local Authorities, sets out to citizens of the most common taxes and fewer services.
Sounding the alarm about the effects related to the entry into force of the government decree - approved with yet another vote of confidence - is a study of the department Economic policies of the CGIL, which highlights why the general strike of May 6, focusing on issues of tax and labor. The search is expected to increase taxes for more than 16 million citizens. And to be affected will be, once again, the employees and pensioners of about 3,500 municipalities that have, suffocated by the cuts, the additional income tax increase. The municipal federalism provides for the possibility for municipalities to increase the tax on personal income. One option that is granted to institutions that currently charge an additional rate of less than 0.4%. In fact, the decree gives them a chance to annual increase of 0.2% to reach 0.4%. One possibility granted only to municipalities that have already breached this limit because many have already approved additional 0.4% higher and have the opportunity to increase nor the obligation of the reduction. This situation will result in fact provides the CGIL, "in an obvious consolidation of additional municipal every town in Italy with no prospect of tax savings for citizens and, above all, in quite disparate and unequal." Among
increases and no reduction, it is a measure that affects all municipalities. As a result of cuts made by the government last summer operation (equal to 1.5 billion euro in 2011 and 2.5 billion in 2012) municipalities will be forced to exercise this option to recover at least part of the revenue. Particularly those that are likely to increase the additional estimated 3500: 44% of the total. The possibility of such increase involves all regions, especially those with special status, Trentino Alto Adige (327 municipalities involved) and Sardinia (297 municipalities), while among those with an ordinary statute, the "peaks" are recorded in Lombardy (804 common), Piemonte (514 municipalities) and Campania (194 municipalities).
In the province of Alessandria, the provincial capital - along with House, Novi Ligure, Acqui Terme and Ovada - already have a 0.5% additional income tax, while Tortona Valencia even 0.8%. In these cases, no further increases are possible, but it is unlikely that there will be tax reductions and a descent to the roof by 0.4%.
from the elaboration of economic policies of the Department of National CGIL, the increase in additional municipalities in some major cities will be particularly significant. In Milan, for example, with the introduction of the municipal - that today there is - up to 0.4% in 2012, the increase for employees and pensioners promises around 120 € a year. In Venice, the same situation in Milan: the average increase, also for employees and retirees, would be about € 85 per year. In Verona, where already in 2010 at a rate of 0.3% (annual average about 64 €), an increase of 0.1% would be € 24 for workers and employees and retirees. In Florence (0.3% to about 67 euro annual average) the average increase would be 26 euro. In other big cities, like Turin, Bologna, Rome, Naples, Bari and Palermo, you already pay an additional charge (up from 75 € to 225 € in Palermo, Rome) higher by 0.4% and it becomes very difficult, In these conditions, even up to 0.4% in the coming years. As a result already from this year's municipal federalism will inevitably lead to more taxes, poorly distributed, and that will be borne mainly on fixed incomes and will then pay again the same. More generally, the release of additional will increase the tax burden on labor, already particularly heavy in our country, to the detriment of economic development and equity. This is because, not wanting, wall of government, change the current structure of the tax system, the broadening of tax bases to great wealth and financial returns, it becomes inevitable to increase the tax burden at the local level. The opposite of federalism really supportive, fairer and more effective. In this context
at higher risk for cuts Government is - with health and public education - especially the social and communal welfare. The effect of zeroing in national budgets, the reduction of transfers to regions and local authorities and the exclusion of welfare policies by the decrees of federalism, the welfare system in coming years is likely to be removed in much of the country. In particular for the provision of services, from drug rehabilitation, transportation for the disabled, the integration of migrants to services for children, from nursery to preventive services and social assistance, to end services for dependents, the prospects are very worrying. The law of stability for 2011 has, in fact, nearly eliminated social transfers to the regions.
The fund for social policies, historically the largest source of national funding, was initially almost zero and only the protest of the regions has led to add, for 2011 alone, 200 million (in 2007 the funds transferred to regions and one billion in 2010, despite cuts, 435 million).
The provision for the non-self-sufficient (400 million transferred to the regions in 2010) has not been refinanced. Similar fate struck the others: the fund for the family has fallen from 174 million in 2010 to 51 million in 2011, the fund for youth policies from 81 million to 13 million, the fund of 141 million rentals 33 million, the fund for the right to education, which amounted to 264 million in 2009, had narrowed to 99 million by 2010, would shrink to 25 million in 2011, a sum increased by 100 million, for 2011 only. The provision for the free books in the school (103 million in 2010) was initially set at zero and only then has done so for only 2011, with 100 million.
If federalism is not concerned with welfare policies and the financing of national social policies is lacking, since that was helping with a share around 20% at the expense of the regions and municipalities, this is leading to substantial paralysis of social services and welfare territory. The proof is, in our province, the failure of the Consortium for the welfare of the municipalities of the Valencian Cis huge debt incurred by the city of Alexandria against the Cissac: the body that should be of interest to the social services of the Alexandrian.
Alexandria, March 16, 2011
autonomy is not anti-communism: it is the peculiar function and self-consciousness of the socialist left in the distinction, but not in opposition to the PCI-
were contrary positions postcraxiani. Full confidence in the market and confusion between capitalism and modernization. The positions of support for the Biagi law, given not only by Sacconi, but Boselli and Nencini speak for themselves on the unity of thought (deeply anti-socialist) of postcraxismo. In fact, the anti 
In other words, the rider felt that it could not restrict the attempt to discredit and to respond to allegations that rain down on him by Italian public opinion and foreign escaping in one way or another process and has realized having to try to justify his dismissal giving himself the appearance of a statesman, shifting the debate from his personal need to general concepts and not due to personal matter and, behold, so that the diligent coryphaeus Galan, referring to the meeting of the Council of Ministers' decision launched the proposal, report promptly that it was a debate "high." 
That said, the ineffectiveness the government proposal on the one hand, and its poisoned fruit to the other, are detected by other aspects that are downstream of the general principles that inform and slogans, but which in practice the approach given in an authoritarian direction and opposite on principles of separation of powers and the equality of citizens before the law, and, what is more serious, antigarantista. And it is on these issues, it should mobilize the opposition. 
This would be acceptable to a principle even a strong supporter of parliamentary democracy, except the obvious observation that, in a Parliament such as this, however, tend to be bipolar and that goes to the sound of conversion orders and votes of confidence, and composed by gentlemen who, far from representing the people, rather represent themselves and the secretariats of the parties who have appointed, speaking of the autonomy of Parliament over the executive seems totally unreal. That will be made in the Executive to set priorities regarding criminal proceedings. And I do not think, given the precedents that the offenses of bribery and corruption, false accounting, tax fraud, will be judged more "dangerous" than others. If it is true that, in practice, and present condition of justice, mandatory prosecution can not be exercised in respect of all crimes, the executive entrust the choice of crimes to pursue and those to be considered residual . is not the best solution, is not worthy of a rule of law, and is detrimental to the principles of legal certainty and equality of all before the law. 
of "epochal" in this reform is the attempt to transfer the prosecution under the control of caste politics, and particularly, the executive, and as a further important step in the design of institutions and the rule of law, which several times and this majority its leaders have expressed. 
